(代轉發) 線上座談會
【台灣海峽法律地位爭端及政軍風險】
☆主辦單位：國立政治大學國際事務學院全球及區域風險評估中心 (cgrra@nccu.edu.tw / 02-29393091 #51005)
☆協辦單位：中華民國國際關係學會
☆日期/時間：民國111年6月23日(週四)上午9：30至11：00
☆線上連結(Google Meet)： meet.google.com/tbu-izuq-mrg
☆籌辦背景：中共官方最近再次指稱台灣海峽不是國際水域，其外交部於6月13日更聲明「中國對台灣海峽享有主權、主權權利和管轄權，同時也尊重其他國家在相關海域的合法權利。......有關國家聲稱台灣海峽是國際水域，意在為其操縱涉台問題，威脅中國主權安全製造藉口，中方堅決反對。」
美國官方則主張台海是一條國際水道，亦即台海是公海自由的區域，根據國際公約之保障，具有包括航行和飛越的自由，因此美國「將繼續在國際法允許的任何地方飛行、航行和執行任務，包括通過台海」。
民進黨政府立場則與美方基本一致，外交部認為台海是國際水域，適用國際法的「公海自由」原則，理解並支持美國自由航行任務對促進區域和平與穩定所帶來的助益，而中共方面此舉無助於降低區域緊張情勢。陸委會表示，兩岸互不隸屬是事實，中共當局片面對台灣及台海宣稱之主張，企圖將「台灣内國化、海峽內海化」，完全違反國際法及台海事實現狀。
當前各方法律見解的衝突(例如有沒有國際水域 international waters)，究竟是因為「一法各表」，或是主觀詮釋凌駕普遍法律見解之上？或是二者皆有？對於台海兩岸以及美國與中國大陸之間的政治、軍事環境，又有何風險或影響？
☆主持人：黃奎博教授(政大國際事務學院全球及區域風險評估中心主任、前外交部研究設計委員會主任委員)
☆邀請講賓(依姓氏筆劃)：
*申佩璜大使(國立政治大學外交系兼任教授、前外交部條約法律司司長)
*林廷輝教授(台灣國際法學會副秘書長、前兩岸交流遠景基金會副執行長)
*翁履中教授(美國德州Sam Houston University政治學系副教授、前美國State University of New York at Cortland政治學系助理教授)
*淡志隆將軍(中華民國海洋事務與政策協會理事、前駐美國軍事代表團團長/國防武官)
*蔡育岱教授(中華民國國際關係學會副會長、國立中正大學戰略暨國際事務研究所教授兼所長)
(Repost) Online seminar
【Legal status dispute in the Taiwan Strait and political and military risks 】
☆ Organizer: Global and Regional Risk Assessment Center, School of International Affairs, National Chengchi University ( cgrra@nccu.edu . tw / 02-29393091 #51005)
☆Co-organizer: Republic of China Society of International Relations
☆ Date/Time: June 23rd, Republic of Korea (Thursday) 9:30-11:00am
☆Online link (Google Meet): meet.google.com/tbu-izuq-mrg
☆BACKGROUND: The Chinese Communist Party has recently again claimed that the Taiwan Strait is not an international waters, and its Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated on June 13 that "China enjoys sovereignty, sovereignty and jurisdiction over the Taiwan Strait, while respecting the legitimate rights of other countries in the relevant waters.... The Chinese side is firmly opposed to the claim that the Taiwan Strait is an international waters, intended to create excuses for manipulating Taiwan-related issues and threatening China's sovereignty and security. " The "
Officials of the United States maintain that the Taiwan Strait is an international waterway, meaning that the Taiwan Strait is an area of freedom of the high seas, including freedom of navigation and overflight, as guaranteed by international conventions, so the United States "will continue to fly, navigate and perform missions wherever international law allows, including through the Taiwan
The DPP government's position is basically the same as the US side. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs believes that the Taiwan Strait is an international waters and that the principle of "high seas freedom" applies to international law. It understands and supports the benefits of the US free navigation mission to promote regional peace and stability, while the Chinese side does not help reduce regional The Mainland Affairs Commission said that the two sides are not affiliated with each other is a fact, and the Chinese authorities have tried to "nationalize Taiwan and internalize the Strait" in the face of Taiwan and Taiwan's claims, completely violating international law and Taiwan's maritime status.
Is the current conflict of legal opinions (e.g. whether there are international waters) due to "one law" or to subjective interpretation override universal legal opinions? Or both? What are the risks or effects on the political and military environment across the Taiwan Strait and between the United States and mainland China?
☆Moderator: Professor Huang Kuibo (Director of Global and Regional Risk Assessment Center, School of International Affairs, former Director of the Research Design Committee of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs)
☆Invited speakers (strokes by last name):
*Ambassador Shen Peiqiao (Adjunct Professor, Department of Foreign Affairs, National Chengchi University, former Director of the Department of Treaty Law
*Professor Lin Ting-chuan (Deputy Secretary General of Taiwan Society of International Law, former Deputy CEO of Cross-Strait Exchange Vision Foundation
*Professor Weng Yuzhong (Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Sam Houston University, Texas, USA, former Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, State University of New York
*General Tam Zhilong ( Republic of China Director of the Association for Ocean Affairs and Policy, former head of military mission to the United States/defense attach 武)
*Professor Tsai Yu-Hi ( Republic of China Vice President of the Society of International Relations, Professor and Director of the Institute of Strategic and International Affairs, National Chung Cheng University)
【台灣海峽法律地位爭端及政軍風險】
☆主辦單位：國立政治大學國際事務學院全球及區域風險評估中心 (cgrra@nccu.edu.tw / 02-29393091 #51005)
☆協辦單位：中華民國國際關係學會
☆日期/時間：民國111年6月23日(週四)上午9：30至11：00
☆線上連結(Google Meet)： meet.google.com/tbu-izuq-mrg
☆籌辦背景：中共官方最近再次指稱台灣海峽不是國際水域，其外交部於6月13日更聲明「中國對台灣海峽享有主權、主權權利和管轄權，同時也尊重其他國家在相關海域的合法權利。......有關國家聲稱台灣海峽是國際水域，意在為其操縱涉台問題，威脅中國主權安全製造藉口，中方堅決反對。」
美國官方則主張台海是一條國際水道，亦即台海是公海自由的區域，根據國際公約之保障，具有包括航行和飛越的自由，因此美國「將繼續在國際法允許的任何地方飛行、航行和執行任務，包括通過台海」。
民進黨政府立場則與美方基本一致，外交部認為台海是國際水域，適用國際法的「公海自由」原則，理解並支持美國自由航行任務對促進區域和平與穩定所帶來的助益，而中共方面此舉無助於降低區域緊張情勢。陸委會表示，兩岸互不隸屬是事實，中共當局片面對台灣及台海宣稱之主張，企圖將「台灣内國化、海峽內海化」，完全違反國際法及台海事實現狀。
當前各方法律見解的衝突(例如有沒有國際水域 international waters)，究竟是因為「一法各表」，或是主觀詮釋凌駕普遍法律見解之上？或是二者皆有？對於台海兩岸以及美國與中國大陸之間的政治、軍事環境，又有何風險或影響？
☆主持人：黃奎博教授(政大國際事務學院全球及區域風險評估中心主任、前外交部研究設計委員會主任委員)
☆邀請講賓(依姓氏筆劃)：
*申佩璜大使(國立政治大學外交系兼任教授、前外交部條約法律司司長)
*林廷輝教授(台灣國際法學會副秘書長、前兩岸交流遠景基金會副執行長)
*翁履中教授(美國德州Sam Houston University政治學系副教授、前美國State University of New York at Cortland政治學系助理教授)
*淡志隆將軍(中華民國海洋事務與政策協會理事、前駐美國軍事代表團團長/國防武官)
*蔡育岱教授(中華民國國際關係學會副會長、國立中正大學戰略暨國際事務研究所教授兼所長)
(Repost) Online seminar
【Legal status dispute in the Taiwan Strait and political and military risks 】
☆ Organizer: Global and Regional Risk Assessment Center, School of International Affairs, National Chengchi University ( cgrra@nccu.edu . tw / 02-29393091 #51005)
☆Co-organizer: Republic of China Society of International Relations
☆ Date/Time: June 23rd, Republic of Korea (Thursday) 9:30-11:00am
☆Online link (Google Meet): meet.google.com/tbu-izuq-mrg
☆BACKGROUND: The Chinese Communist Party has recently again claimed that the Taiwan Strait is not an international waters, and its Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated on June 13 that "China enjoys sovereignty, sovereignty and jurisdiction over the Taiwan Strait, while respecting the legitimate rights of other countries in the relevant waters.... The Chinese side is firmly opposed to the claim that the Taiwan Strait is an international waters, intended to create excuses for manipulating Taiwan-related issues and threatening China's sovereignty and security. " The "
Officials of the United States maintain that the Taiwan Strait is an international waterway, meaning that the Taiwan Strait is an area of freedom of the high seas, including freedom of navigation and overflight, as guaranteed by international conventions, so the United States "will continue to fly, navigate and perform missions wherever international law allows, including through the Taiwan
The DPP government's position is basically the same as the US side. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs believes that the Taiwan Strait is an international waters and that the principle of "high seas freedom" applies to international law. It understands and supports the benefits of the US free navigation mission to promote regional peace and stability, while the Chinese side does not help reduce regional The Mainland Affairs Commission said that the two sides are not affiliated with each other is a fact, and the Chinese authorities have tried to "nationalize Taiwan and internalize the Strait" in the face of Taiwan and Taiwan's claims, completely violating international law and Taiwan's maritime status.
Is the current conflict of legal opinions (e.g. whether there are international waters) due to "one law" or to subjective interpretation override universal legal opinions? Or both? What are the risks or effects on the political and military environment across the Taiwan Strait and between the United States and mainland China?
☆Moderator: Professor Huang Kuibo (Director of Global and Regional Risk Assessment Center, School of International Affairs, former Director of the Research Design Committee of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs)
☆Invited speakers (strokes by last name):
*Ambassador Shen Peiqiao (Adjunct Professor, Department of Foreign Affairs, National Chengchi University, former Director of the Department of Treaty Law
*Professor Lin Ting-chuan (Deputy Secretary General of Taiwan Society of International Law, former Deputy CEO of Cross-Strait Exchange Vision Foundation
*Professor Weng Yuzhong (Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Sam Houston University, Texas, USA, former Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, State University of New York
*General Tam Zhilong ( Republic of China Director of the Association for Ocean Affairs and Policy, former head of military mission to the United States/defense attach 武)
*Professor Tsai Yu-Hi ( Republic of China Vice President of the Society of International Relations, Professor and Director of the Institute of Strategic and International Affairs, National Chung Cheng University)
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